Representatives of Latin America and the Caribbean have chosen the
troubled government of Venezuela to represent them in the U.N. Security
Council (UNSC) as a non-permanent member whose term begins next January.
When the U.N. General Assembly elects new UNSC members in mid-October,
Latin America's nominee to debate matters of "peace and security" will
be a country that is among the least peaceful and most insecure in the
Americas. Although the region's image may suffer as a result, at least
President Nicolás Maduro's regime will be conspicuous as its economic
mismanagement collapses Venezuela's oil-rich economy and as its
repression intensifies in a desperate bid to hold to power.
The Security Council has five permanent members (France, China, Russia,
Britain, and the United States) and 10 non-permanent members, elected to
represent one of five regional groups of countries. Venezuela seeks to
be one of two members representing the Group of Latin America and the
Caribbean (GRULAC).
Maduro's mentor, the late Hugo Chávez, hoped for the opportunity to
strut on the world stage when he sought a UNSC seat eight years ago. He
launched his bid by hurling personal insults aimed at the United States,
alluding to President George W. Bush as diabolical. Since taking power
in 1998, Chavez had systematically courted governments with his generous
"petro-diplomacy" and pressed his "anti-imperialist" vision vigorously.
Even the serious South American governments that did not share his
worldview saw little upside to confronting him.
However, when Venezuela sought the GRULAC seat on the Security Council
in 2006, former President George W. Bush rallied like-minded governments
to challenge Chávez's ambitions. The United States supported the
candidacy of Guatemala as an alternative to Venezuela. After 47 rounds
of voting, neither country garnered the two-thirds of the 192-member
General Assembly required to secure the seat. After a three-week
impasse, both withdrew in favor of Panama. According to at least one
press report, the GRULAC countries agreed privately years ago to endorse
Venezuela as their consensus candidate.
As I argued
at the American Enterprise Institute in 2006, "Each state [in the
region] must justify to its own people that it has entrusted that
extraordinary power [of UNSC membership] to governments that share its
essential values and interests. It is particularly important that the
U.N.'s democratic governments choose the best among them to advance
those values in the Security Council's debates and decisions."
Arguably, Venezuela is much more unstable and repressive than it was in
2006. This year opened with months of violent repression of student
protests on the streets of every major city in Venezuela, with dozens
killed and hundreds detained by the Maduro regime. However, a spokesman
of the U.S. mission to the U.N. has stated publicly that the Obama
administration will not stand in the way of Venezuela's candidacy.
There's little doubt that the United States does not have the diplomatic
capital to mount a campaign at the U.N. aimed at disqualifying
Venezuela, notwithstanding Maduro's sorry human rights record. In the
Bush years, the U.S. foreign policy team of which I was a part helped
save Colombia, doubled aid to the region, and offered mutually
beneficial trade to Central American and Andean countries. Today, the
Obama administration has little constructive agenda in the Americas to
speak of. As a result, the bankrupt regimes of Cuba and Venezuela have
far more influence over regional diplomacy.
No doubt, Venezuela will represent a subset of regional governments that
share an anti-U.S. obsession as the organizing principle of their
foreign policy. However, it can scarcely represent the regional
consensus behind the defense of human rights, representative democracy,
and the rule of law. Instead, the Chávez and Maduro governments have
used Venezuela's vote in multilateral organizations to defend Fidel
Castro, Saddam Hussein, Bashar al-Assad, and Muammar al-Qaddafi, among
others, and to frustrate international efforts to fight drug trafficking
and terrorism.
The diplomats of Latin America and the Caribbean are making a choice,
and the Obama administration has chosen to leave them to it. As 16 years
of staggering corruption and incompetence bears bitter fruit with the
meltdown of Venezuela's economy in the coming months, regional economic
leaders should pray that the world's capital markets and entrepreneurs
do not draw unkind conclusions about their countries from the decrepit
regime they have chosen to represent them on weighty matters of war and
peace.
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